Effect of globalisation on Indian industry has been very positive, though some industrial firms with the baggage of high cost, inefficient plants and processes inherited from the past because of closed economy's government dictated industrial policies and priorities had to face serious problems in the beginning. But soon most of the industries have become more and more efficient; customer focused and improved their international competitiveness in terms of costs, prices, product quality and variety. Industrial growth has been very high and strong during the past decade because of globalisation. Exports have increased tremendously. Indian industries also expanded their operations abroad. Foreign companies have substantially increased their investments in Indian industries. Wages of industrial labor has increased substantially as they have become very productive. Lock out and strikes have declined to significantly low levels because industrial labor is happy. Those who cannot be efficient and past their prime age to retrain themselves in modern methods and processes have been retired with very attractive voluntary retirement schemes. The trade unions are finding it difficult to influence industrial workers into agitation because labor has started benefiting from the positive fallout of globalisation on the prosperity and growth of the industrial sector. Talented and merited labor is commanding premium compensation in the labor market. Several new types of industries have also come up. Small scale industries of the past have fast grown into medium scale companies. Incidence of industrial sickness has gone down drastically.

During the last fifty years, India has taken to diversified industrialization in a big way. It is therefore, pertinent to deliberate on issues like increasing social mobility found among the industrial workers of India, liberalization of ideas by means of secular, scientific and technical education and large scale change in status, from the ascribed to achieved status etc. In consonance with these changes, the existing divisions of Indian society are getting transformed. The caste and the class boundaries are getting blurred due to the new ideas and values like equality, individuality, independence and autonomy. During the process of industrialization, in India, a massive organized sector employing a large work force has come to occupy an important and visible part of the country’ economic life. Factory system paved the way for a new set of relationship in a totally different work context. As organizations proliferated, people, who developed and contributed to the viability of the organizations created a new work environment. Besides, the pressures created by the emergence of new enterprises, socio-economic issues also started exerting pressure. The ramification of the process has been the emergence of new category of workers. Transfer of advanced technology in several sectors of industries drastically affected the structure of the working class which got expanded both in volume and quality. A fundamental difference in nature and background of the industrial workers of India vis a vis industrialized western society became evident. The differences may be described in the following dimensions. First India predominated by a rural population is primarily engaged in agriculture and traditional crafts. Second, there has been a segmental growth of industrial centres in India. Third, workers have migrated to the city due to push factors (Buchanan: 1935). Fourth, the Indian workers are attributed to possess traditional attitudes and outlook rather than the achievement oriented behaviour (Broughton: 1954). And fifth, Indian workers are divided along linguistic, caste, and regional backgrounds. These characteristics have hindered the growth of a homogenous working class in India.

Table 1:

Typical Characteristics of Classes in Industrial Setup

Working Class	Middle Class	Upper Class
Strong we feeling	Lacks in togetherness and collectivity	Highly individualistic and self centered
Lacks in aspiration and achievement	Highly aspired and strong achievement orientation	Lacks in aspiration because highly satisfied
Existential way of living	Lacks in existential living	Affluent living
Lacks in moral overtones	Moral overtones	Lacks moral overtones
Lacks in future perspective	Lots of futuristic plans	Very meticulous planning
Devoid of economic power	Has economic and social power but lacks in decision making power	Has all kinds of power : economic, social and decision making

The working class is also characterized by showing lack of moral values which the middle class upholds with greater severity. The upper class disregards the values of moral actions. The working class is completely devoid of all kinds of powers i.e. economic, social and decision making power while the middle class has economic and social power but is devoid of decision making power. The upper class has all kinds of power including decision making power.

The aspect of mobility among the industrial workers of Uttar Pradesh is an important issue. Industrial workers are those who are adept in skill and resourcefulness. Man from time immemorial used skills and efforts to fulfill his needs with the help of tools. Advancing science and technology mandated the use of sophisticated mechanical system of producing goods and services along with industrial resourcefulness and accomplishments.In post-independence India industrial worker was given the connotation of work in industry. “The worker as a social figure became linked to the modern economy; a direction in which Indian society was to develop at a rapid rate from agrarian-rural mode of living to industrial employment.” (Bremen: 1994). S.C. Patel (1965), R.R. Singh (1971) and S. Sen (1977) studied the Working class and the trade union movement in India. Toffler (1981:129-133) also viewed that the industrial man was different from his forerunners. “He was the master of energy slaves that amplified his puny power enormously; he spent much of his time in factory environment, in touch with machines and organizations that dwarfed the individual. He typically grew up in a nuclear family. He got his basic image of the world from the mass media. He worked for a large corporation or a public agency, belonged to unions, churches and other organizations- to each of which he parceled out a piece of his divided self. He identified less and less with his village or city than with his nation”. (Toffler 1981)

The issue of mobility has attracted the attention of large number of scholars in India and abroad (Bottomore : 1966: Glass : 1967 Goldthorpe: 1968 ; Vaid : 1968 ; Sharma : 1974). They opined that mobility is a instrumental factor in developing new kinds of class composition in industrial setting, due to the impact of work relation and work organization (Chhiber:1968). In India, since the post independence period, many sociologists have studied social mobility more intensively than they have studied the changes within class themselves and have attributed more importance to it as a solvent of class-divisions. The findings of those studies may be summarized in the following way :

1. Social mobility has generally increased with the greater inflow of income and occupation.

2. Most often, mobility is linked with individuals' own drives, urges and motivation hence, it is observed into some specific persons or groups only.

3. With relation to classes, it is observed that social mobility is taking place between social levels which are close together; for example, between the upper levels of the working class and the lower levels of the middle class.

Movement from the working class into the upper class is very restricted and limited in all contemporary societies. These characteristics can be shown clearly by studies of recruitment to particular elite occupations such as civil services, medical services, technical services etc. In Britain, a study of the directors of business corporations reveals that more than 50 per cent of them began their careers with the advantage of having business connections in the family. Another study of civil servants shows that almost 50 per cent of them came from the families of the upper and upper middle class, while only 3 per cent came from working class (Prasad : 1974). Thus, in literature, one can find two school of thoughts with relation to the aspect of social mobility.

· Movement of individuals into the higher rung of classes because of one's own achievement orientation and motivation.

· Movement of individuals into higher rung of classes because of market ad work situations such as promotional opportunities, achievement orientation, organizational exposures and contacts.

Since a debate is raised by presenting two kinds of views in literature, therefore, we thought to join the debate while studying the status-mobility observed among the respondents of the study due to their life-chances. This paper focuses its attention on factors which facilitate mobility among the respondents for developing a new class order. It assumes that blurring of class divisions is taking place in the Indian industrial work organization because of the unequal opportunities construed as the aspect of life-chances (Merton:1968). Consequently, new class configuration is emerging which is prompting a situation of class-structuration. Emerging trends of mobility linked with external support facilitators like market-situation, class situation and work situation in organizational context is discussed in my earlier paper. (Dwivedi:2011)

It seems to be a highly pertinent question to ask what implications are for life chances, life courses, and social mobility. Are researchers likely to witness increased individual variation as a result of increased instability and variation at the institutional level? Will families become less important as transmitters of advantage and disadvantage? Will categorical differences in life chances become muted, or will they emerge even stronger, as risk-hedging institutions such as the family and the welfare state become weaker? Analysts of social inequality will have much to do.

METHODOLOGY:

In this paper, we propose to examine the differential achievement orientation found among the respondents working at two different types of organization i.e. 'mechanistic' type and the 'organic' type of organization. Data was collected from different industrial units based in Kanpur and Allahabad. A field study was conducted from August 1995 to December 1996 in three phases at Kanpur and Allahabad. Kanpur is a major industrial city having a long history of industrial production. Allahabad is an important city having sizeable number industrial workers. For primary data collection, a semi structured schedule was canvassed on three hundred respondents by adopting simple random sampling method. The selected respondents were divided into two categories of manual and non manual workers. To supplement the data base, observation and unstructured interviews were used to collect additional and in depth information. The information gathered through unstructured interviews after analysis has been presented in the form of cases. Data analysis has been done using the SPSS package. Chi-square has been calculated to empirically verify the set of hypotheses from the field observation. Consequently, the SES scale was developed to classify respondents into different class categories which had four elements. These are respondents' occupation, income, education and their caste affiliation. Using the SES scale, the respondents were divided into three categories of the high, medium and low socio economic status (SES). It was found that respondents are well distributed in all the three categories. For example, 42 per cent respondents were in the high SES category, while 34 per cent were in low SES. Rest 24 per cent respondents were in the middle SES category. This suggests that a big chunk of respondents belong to the high SES group, while the middle SES category has the smallest number of respondents. Findings suggest that large number of respondents claim to have reached to the top SES level because of their market situation such as wages, family income, occupation, educational qualifications and caste affiliations.

In the Indian society, achievement of individuals is judged by their socio-economic status such as caste affiliations, community placement like rural-urban etc. economic dispositions, income, occupations and educational qualifications. They are linked with varying degrees of power, wealth and privileges (Lipset and Bendix:1959). Both are treated as agencies of social mobility and together they decide the position a person occupies in a community or social setting (Lipset and Zetterberg : 1956), (Dwivedi:2011) The relative position of the class in the social scale arises from the degree of prestige attached to the status. The notion of joining or aspiring to join a group with access to more wealth, greater income, better occupation, than one is having at present, can thrive only in a society which has the said inequalities. A social class is distinguished from others by certain institutionalized relationships and customary modes of behavior which are expected and demanded from its members by the society at large. It can be mode of dress, speech, types of acquaintances, and ways of recreation or consumption pattern. The inherent element of stability in class adds to the characteristic of the individuals composing it. If the class status is determined by wealth or a particular skill, it does not merely mean that its members posses this characteristic. But they certainly have the means and facilities, what is denied to the members of other classes (Gisbert:1972). Often people think that the caste system cannot have social mobility (internal) because of its ascriptive features. However, to some extent, this notion has been challenged with the theory of Sanskritization. (Srinivas : 1952).

Caste divisions of India are endogamous groups bearing a common name and its members have certain amount of restrictions on their social relationship with members of other caste groups. In short the distinctive features of caste are endogamy and hereditary, rigid pattern of social and religious hierarchy, authority and taboos and hereditary occupations (Hutton:1951). For centuries, the caste system acted as an effective means of integrating the Indian society into one vast and variegated community, by incorporating the various groups in its life. With the strict division of occupation, the Hindu culture provided the stability and with generations of craftsmen who were extremely skillful in their vocations. This system insisted on keeping the traditional occupations and duties of the caste, which fostered stagnation and immobility in the society. The individual continued to be chained to his caste. But irrespective of the caste background, some other caste members could climb to the highest positions in the society which were previously denied to them. In the traditional set up, these high positions were reserved for the high castes. This became possible because of the dogma of birth, which was a deciding factor in determining the caste. It was deeply ingrained in the ancient Hindu society (Shyam Lal, 1995).

Present day Indian society has a peculiar correspondence between the caste and class configuration. The influence of an individuals' caste on his class status is beyond doubt (Dumont:1970). Therefore, they are considered to have high level of achievement orientation.

The chances of development of a situation of congruence or incongruence become more if there is discrepancy between the objective status and the subjectively perceived status. The question of congruence and incongruence arise because social strains which emerge from the conflict of universal desire and material success lead to the condition of anomie (Merton: 1968).In every society avoidance of incongruence is desired because its presence leads to frustration and anomie (Merton : 1968). However, for capitalist system, success is dependent on the aspect of striving or anxiousness. Therefore, in a capitalist or a developing nation, anxiousness or incongruence become the positive indicators of achievement. An individual placed into a high caste category might perceive himself into a low class category. Consequently, the ascribed and the achieved status may also lead to a situation of incongruity (Homans:1962)

Table 2:

Respondents Perceived Status and the Different Types of Work-Situation N=300

SES Category	Perceived Class Status			Total
SES Category	Low	Medium	High	Total
Low	45	49	9	103 (34.3)
Medium	25	45	1	71 (23.7)
High	17	105	4	126 (42)
Total	87	199	14	300 (100)

(Figures presented in parenthesis denotes percentage)

X² = 35.97 df = 4 P < .001

This clearly denotes that there is a situation of incongruence, regarding subjective perception and objective ranking of status (SES). This strengthens our assumption that more respondents are in state of anxiety). In short, if there is a correspondence between the objective status and the subjective evaluation of the status, then there is a state of congruity. In the reverse position, there is a situation of incongruity. It would be interesting to find out as to how many respondents are congruent or incongruent with respect to their perceived class status. From table 2 it becomes evident that an overwhelming majority of the respondents claimed to perceive themselves in the middle class status. On enquiry the reason for the same was found to be in their acquisition of the material belonging and the level of their education.

Table 2 presents the consistency in assessment between the observed status and perceived status of respondents. When matched the perceived status with their objective status, the result was quite unexpected. In the low SES category, 45 respondents perceived their status to be low, 49 medium and only 9 respondents high status. With regard to medium SES, only 25 respondents placed themselves in low status category, while 45 respondents in medium and only one respondent in high perceived status category. In the high SES category, 87 respondents perceived having low. 199 respondents medium and only 14 perceived having high status. It is interesting to note from table 6.2 that a majority of respondents placed themselves in the middle class group. This table also shows mismatch between the perceived status and the objectively measured SES. 87 respondents perceived to have low class disposition, however, in terms of SES. 103 respondents placed them into the low SES category. It is interesting to point out that regarding self perception, respondents had certain amount of incongruence. For example, in medium SES, only 71 respondents are in high SES category while in self assessment only 14 respondents have placed themselves into high class status.

Respondents Aspiration

In order to judge the mobility of the respondents, aspiration becomes a crucial variable. It is believed that the aspired respondents are more mobile than the uninspired ones. Many studies suggest that aspiration, plays a significant role in promoting mobility (Sharan: 1978; Mukherji:1986; Gupta:1985). The studies did report of variance in the level of aspiration existing among the workers. Aspiration in this study has been taken as one of the major indicators to assess the trends of class structuration. In this section, the differential patterns of aspirations exhibited among the respondents have been discussed. In order to examine the respondents aspirations, three aspects have been taken into consideration.

1. Aspiration for Self

2. Aspiration for dependents

3. Link between aspiration and the socio economic status of the respondents.

Aspiration for Self

In this section, we intend to discuss the pattern of aspiration found among the respondents of 'mechanistic' and 'organic' types of organization.(Dwivedi:2011) Aspiration has an important four point scale was prepared, taking the following elements into consideration.

1. Occupational preference

2. Consumption Pattern

3. Saving pattern

4. Investment and acquisitions

Each element has four to five questions and the respondents were asked to answer them. Depending upon their answers and cumulative scores, a measurement scale of aspiration was developed. This scale was divided into three categories as least aspired, moderately aspired and highly aspired (Dwivedi:2011).

Table 3:

Differential Aspiration among respondents of Mechanistic and Organic Type of Organization. N=300

Aspiration categories	Work-Organization		Total
Aspiration categories	Mechanistic	Organic	Total
Low	50	48	98 (32.7)
Moderate	73	81	154 (51.3)
High	27	21	48 (16.00)
Total	150	150	300 (100.00)

(Figures presented in parenthesis denotes percentage)

X² = 1.206 df = 2 P < .5471

From table 3, it is evident that 33 percent respondents belonged to low aspired category, 51 per cent belong to moderately aspired category and only 16 per cent are placed in the high aspired category. Whereas, in 'organic' organization, 48 respondents belonged to low aspired category, 81 in moderately aspired category and only 21 respondents were placed in highly aspired respondents category. In contrast, mechanistic organization figure 50 respondents in the low aspired category, 73 in the moderately aspired and 27 respondents in the high aspired category. A close perusal of table reveals that respondents of 'organic' organization were more aspired in comparison to their counterparts of 'mechanistic' organization X²=1.206 df=2 P<.5471. The statistical results X²=1.206 df=2 P<.5471 show some kind of interlink age between the aspiration and the type of organization. The results show a positive association between the aspiration and the organization in which respondents are employed. It is observed that in general, the respondents are showing certain amount of aspiration, which is reflected in their educational and career preferences. Due to better exposure, education and opportunities, the respondents of 'organic' organization were more aspired than of mechanistic type of organization.

In 'organic' organization the respondents were highly aspired in comparison to their counterparts of 'mechanistic' organization. Respondents of the 'organic' organization wanted their children and dependents to be successful in their life. They wanted them to be economically independents. To achieve this, they made efforts to provide them all facilities like education in good school/university, arranging coaching classes etc. They as a matter of fact aimed high for their children career. On the contrary, the respondents of the 'mechanistic' organizations wanted their children to get into some jobs so that they did not struggle and face economic disability. They wished their children to get into some government job. Status or the job satisfaction for the children was of least importance to them. This proves that the highly aspired respondents were more conscious towards their children's future. They wanted them to become economically independents.

By emphasizing on life-chances and using indicators to promote class mobility. Weber has open up a new dimension of class situation. Often class situation is linked with status situation, work situation and material advantages or disadvantages such as material rewards, and social and economic opportunities or lack of opportunities which has been termed by Weber as life-chances. The family push and organizational atmosphere inculcate mobility among the industrial workers (Glass : 1967, Lockwood:1958 ; Goldthorpe et.al 1968, 1969). The respondents of the 'organic' type of organizations are more aspired in comparison to their counterparts in the 'mechanistic' organizations. They are better educated and employed. Environmental of work-organizations provide a reasonable atmosphere around the individual which moulds their thinking pattern according to the prevailing conditions and situation. It is found that workers in the 'mechanistic' organization are more fatalistic in their approach. They took everything for granted. Whereas in the 'organic' organization the workers are not fatalistic. They were more pragmatic in their approach. The workers of the 'mechanistic' organizations are comparatively less motivated and therefore show lack of mobility primarily due to the reason of rigidity of the organization. While the organic organizations give enough freedom and liberty to their workers which result in informal atmosphere and an informal condition of work culture. Thus, more frequently of mobility is visible among the workers of such organizations.

To conclude it can be said that lock out and strikes have declined to insignificantly low levels because industrial labor is happy. Those who cannot be efficient and past their prime age to retrain themselves in modern methods and processes have been retired with very attractive voluntary retirement schemes. The trade unions are finding it difficult to influence industrial workers into agitation because labor has started benefiting from the positive fallout of globalization on the prosperity and growth of the industrial sector. Talented and merited labor is commanding premium compensation in the labor market. Several new type of industries have also come up. Small scale industries of the past have fast grown into medium scale companies. Incidence of industrial sickness has gone down drastically. And this is indeed a healthy sign for the industrial scenario.

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Received on 02.09.2014

Revised on 16.09.2014

Accepted on 25.09.2014

Research J. Humanities and Social Sciences. 5(3): July-September, 2014, 320-326